All posts tagged Gulf Cartel

Mexican drug cartel invasion in Texas

Agriculture commissioner details letter he sent to White House over growing danger of cartels

Agriculture Commissioner, Todd Staples, “America is under attack and it’s happening on Texas soil. Meanwhile our pleas for help are being met with denial and lame jokes”. See press conference video below: House, Homeland Security Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations and Management.

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Zetas gang killed rivals, escaped at Mexico prison

Via: PORFIRIO IBARRA RAMIREZ, Associated Press

MONTERREY, Mexico (AP) — Imprisoned members of the hyper-violent Zetas drug cartel stabbed and bludgeoned 44 members of the rival Gulf cartel to death and then staged a mass escape, apparently with the help of prison authorities, officials in northern Mexico said Monday.

Rodrigo Medina, governor of the northern state of Nuevo Leon, said the prison’s director and three other officials have been fired and are under investigation for purportedly helping in the escape. The same was done with 18 prison guards.

“Unfortunately, a group of traitors has set back the work of a lot of good police,” Medina told a news conference. “The most important thing is to make sure that the people working on the inside are on the side of the law, and that they not be corrupted and collaborate with the criminals, as the investigations indicate they presumably did.”

Medina did not say how the escape was carried out, but he noted that no members of any gang had broken into the prison to spring their colleagues, as has happened at other Mexican prisons. Nor were any firearms smuggled into the facility; all of the deaths apparently occurred with blunt instruments or improvised knives.

Medina confirmed that all 30 escaped inmates were linked to the Zetas cartel, a brutal gang founded by deserters from an elite Mexican military unit.

Keep reading…

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Details emerge about deadly cross-border shooting

The Monitor

NEAR SULLIVAN CITY — The five men who illegally crossed the Rio Grande to reportedly avoid apprehension Thursday by the Mexican military were unarmed when soldiers shot at them from Mexico, a U.S. law enforcement source close to the investigation said.

One man died on U.S. federal land, another suffered a non-life threatening gunshot wound to the ankle and three others were taken into custody by U.S. federal authorities, San Antonio FBI Spokesperson Eric Vasys said Friday.

U.S. authorities have yet to disclose the events that drove the men to cross the Rio Grande about 6 p.m. Thursday near the Mexican town of Diaz Ordaz, which is southwest of the U.S town of Sullivan City.

“We’re looking into the circumstances that led to these individuals crossing over,” Vasys said. “(The investigation) is still ongoing and we’re trying to sort it out.”

A Border Patrol agent not authorized to speak publicly about the investigation told a Monitor reporter that a U.S. Customs and Border Protection chopper radioed in a shots-fired call about two hours prior to the shooting.

Someone on U.S. soil apparently shot at the helicopter that was allegedly carrying advisors to the White House and the Department of Homeland Security as they toured the border near La Joya, he said.

Vasys said he had not heard of any such reports.

A second law enforcement official, also not authorized to speak publicly, said that likely did not happen.

“It was not a U.S. law enforcement helicopter that got fired on, but rather a Mexican government helicopter,” the second U.S. law enforcement official said.

A Mexican military chopper began chasing after the men during an operation along the river, and the men shot at it at one point or another while in Mexico, he said.

It’s unclear if they swam across the river or simply found a location where they could cross the border by foot, but the individuals apparently ditched their weapons before crossing into the U.S. because authorities did not find any on them, he added.

“When they got to the U.S. side, the illegals that had crossed over started taunting the Mexican military — doing all kinds of obscene gestures and cuss words — and then the military fired upon them,” he said. “We don’t believe the illegals that came across were armed.”

 

Bad Blood?

A source outside law enforcement said that for a long time, certain members of the Mexican military had been working alongside members of the Gulf Cartel.

In order to keep up appearances, drug smugglers would leave behind vehicles loaded drugs for the soldiers to seize so the members of the military could report back to their superiors, the source said. The communications to coordinate the drops between drug smugglers and soldiers were carried out with Nextel radio communication telephones that are difficult to trace.

However, during the organization’s internal struggle that began last September, some of these troops were caught in the crossfire.

“They are mad and now all bets are off,” the source said. “Remember, last week (Jan. 26), the military killed some people in the morning, and then the ambush happened. The ‘Verdes’ are out for blood.”

In an apparent day of firefights last week, the Mexican military was ambushed in the streets of Reynosa by members of the Gulf Cartel who set up a bait car to draw out the soldiers. The Mexican military didn’t issue any news releases in connection with the firefights that day.

Prior to that, unknown assailants had lobbed two grenades at the headquarters of the Matamoros military police, killing one man and critically injuring another.

Vasys did not have information about whether the men taken into custody Thursday night were armed or not, he said, adding that U.S. authorities did not discharge their weapons at any time during the incident.

Authorities, who remain tight-lipped about the shooting, did not release the men’s identities.

Mexican Consulate officials in McAllen also were waiting to learn the identity of the deceased man, Consul Jose Manuel Gutierrez Minera said about 4:30 p.m. Friday. He expected the information to come from federal authorities late Friday.

“Out of respect for the family, we usually wait to contact them first before releasing information,” he said.

U.S. authorities do not know if anyone died in Mexico during the incident, Vasys said.

The FBI is heading the investigation because the incident happened on land owned by the federal government.

“It’s not a common theme for FBI to be involved in altercations (along the border) because so much of what we do is long-term investigation,” he said. “Historically, the FBI is a follow-up investigative entity unless we’re working an active investigation of drug trafficking by the cartels or gang activity along the border.”

The agency, however, does get involved any time a federal agent is wounded or killed, he said. So if a Border Patrol agent is hurt along the border, the FBI will take over those investigations, too.

Vasys would not comment on whether the shooting could be classified as spillover violence.

“I’m not going to speak to that,” he said. “FBI deals with investigation and enforcement. So what we’re doing is the follow up to the death that occurred on U.S. property. I’m not going to speak to what this may or may not be characterized by other government sources.”

 

Spillover

“The situation in Mexico has been a concern for our agency,” said Texas DPS Director Steve McCraw.

“Our concern is that criminal organizations in Mexico combating each other or the Mexican military could attempt to flee to our side of the border. To address those concerns, we have established contingency plans and work alongside federal and local agencies.”

The incident in Havana is just one of the many types of incidents law enforcement in the area is prepared for.

“The average citizen should know that there are state, local and federal law enforcement professionals working in a proactive fashion to address any contingency. Texas has been very proactive in this; we have increased our patrol presence and our tactical capabilities to deter any situation.”

While McCraw was not able to discuss details of the situation, he said his agency dissects and studies all border incidents that it responds to.

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Mexico – Local newspaper reporter gunned down in Los Zetas stronghold

Via: Trust Media

After a particularly deadly 2011 for the Mexican media, Raúl Régulo Garza Quirino, a reporter for the weekly La Última Palabra in Cadereyta, in the northeastern state of Nuevo León, became the first Mexican journalist to be killed in 2012 when he was gunned down after a car chase on 6 January. Garza was also a Cadereyta municipal employee.

“We hope the number of Mexican journalists killed in the space of a decade does not reach the grim total of 100 in 2012, an election year,” Reporters Without Borders said. “Mexico could prevent this from happening by taking measures to combat impunity for those responsible for violent crime against journalists.

“That was the message that we and the Centre for Journalism and Public Ethics (CEPET) tried to transmit when we gave the families of slain and disappeared journalists a platform in the capital on 10 December.

“The current show of good intentions by the Special Prosecutor’s Office for Crimes against Freedom of Expression (FEADLE) and its head, Gustavo Salas Chávez, must be rapidly translated into reinforcement of its personnel and clarification of its jurisdiction. If the senate approves the bill that the lower house adopted on 11 November making attacks on freedom of information a federal crime, the FEADLE must have enough resources to handle all these cases.”

Garza was driving his car near his home when he found himself being pursued by gunmen in another car. He was gunned down when he tried to seek refuge in a garage owned by relatives. Sixteen impacts from 16 mm bullets were found at the scene. Investigators have so far not suggested any motive for the murder.

Located 37 km from Monterrey, the state capital, Cadereyta is home to one of northern Mexico’s biggest oil refineries and is rife with contraband in stolen petroleum products as well as drug trafficking. It is a stronghold of Los Zetas, a paramilitary group that worked for the Gulf Cartel before becoming an independent criminal organization. A total of 38 employees of the state oil company PEMEX have been reported missing in the region in recent months.

It was in this area that radio journalist Marco Aurelio Martínez Tirejina was kidnapped and killed in July 2010 in a still unsolved murder. According to the Reporters Without Borders tally, 80 journalists have been killed in the past decade and 14 others have disappeared. Most of these killings have gone unpunished.

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Laredo trial offers window into Zetas

Laredo court to hear evidence concerning 2006 double homicide.

Federal prosecutors are expected to lay bare the inner workings of the Zetas drug-trafficking organization as they try to secure a conviction against an accused cartel hit man during a trial this week in Laredo.

Gerardo Castillo Chavez Photo: AP / LAREDO POLICE DEPARTMENT VIA LAREDO MORNING TIMES

Gerardo Castillo Chavez, 25, is charged in the 2006 double homicide of Jesus Maria “Chuy” Resendez, 36, and his 15-year-old nephew Mariano Resendez, who were gunned down while stopped at a traffic light on a Laredo highway. He was also accused of taking part in attempted hits on family members of Resendez, who was a powerful trafficker in the area. His attorneys say the feds have the wrong guy.

But the case Castillo Chavez is charged in goes far beyond a well-publicized spate of homicides, including the Resendez hit, committed by the Zetas in 2005 and 2006.

Castillo Chavez is among 34 charged in a 47-count drug-conspiracy indictment that covers the Zetas’ trafficking enterprise. It ranges from 2001, when the one-time hired thugs for the Gulf Cartel were neophytes in the drug transportation business, to 2008, when they controlled supply lines to Dallas and farther north.

Because Castillo Chavez is charged in the main drug-conspiracy count, prosecutors are expected to present witnesses and evidence about a wide range of the Zetas’ activities, many of which have nothing to do with the allegations against Castillo Chavez.

The evidence, including wiretaps as well as testimony from convicted Zetas and from an informant embedded in the Zetas’ U.S. operations, promises to give a window into how the gang operates.

The indictment alleges that various Zeta crews — often unaware of others’ existence — smuggled drugs, money and guns and committed kidnappings and killings on both sides of the border. Tying it all together is Miguel “El 40” Treviño Morales, currently believed to be the Zetas’ second in command, and the target of an extensive investigation by the Drug Enforcement Administration. Everyone charged in the case is accused of working under Treviño Morales when he was a Zeta leader based in Nuevo Laredo.

Castillo Chavez is accused of being a bit player in the conspiracy. He went to trial last year on three counts related to the Resendez killings, and the jury acquitted him on a firearm charge but could not reach a decision on the others. A judge dismissed a racketeering charge. But he still faces the overarching drug-conspiracy count and charges prosecutors have since added alleging that Castillo Chavez was part of a sicario — or hit man — crew that made attempts on the lives of other Resendez family members.

Prosecutors say Castillo Chavez, who was arrested in 2009 in Houston, was known as Armando Garcia and “Cachetes” or “Cheeks” to his associates and worked for the Zetas in South Texas and northern Mexico. But his lawyers say they don’t know how prosecutors came up with the name Armando Garcia and say their client isn’t him.

“No witness ever could tell us where the name Armando Garcia came from or who Armando Garcia is,” said defense attorney Roberto Balli. “They’re unable to make a connection between these two people. There’s an Armando Garcia out there who didn’t get arrested.”

Prosecutors contend that Castillo Chavez, who a DEA agent testified was arrested with a small amount of cocaine at a house in Houston where police found money counters, scales and drug-wrapping material, is one of the men who killed the Resendezes.

“We’re confident the witnesses and the evidence to be presented at trial will demonstrate we have the right man,” assistant U.S. Attorney José Angel Moreno said in a statement. “We stand ready to prove our case in court.”

The government’s case against Castillo Chavez will hinge on testimony from a pair of former sicarios who have cut deals with prosecutors.

Raul Jasso Photo: COURTESY PHOTO / SA

Raul “Richard” Jasso Jr., 29, testified last year that Castillo Chavez was with him in a pickup full of hit men who pulled up alongside Resendez’s pickup and pumped it full of bullets. Jasso has admitted to drug smuggling and a pair of homicides in Mexico as well as the Resendez killings. He’s serving a 12-year sentence in state prison but faces life in prison when he’s sentenced on federal charges next month.

Rosalio Reta Photo: COURTESY PHOTO / SA

Rosalio Reta, 22, who has been convicted on two murder charges in the U.S. during 2005 and 2006 when he was a juvenile, testified that he and Castillo Chavez worked together for the Zetas in Mexico. During that time, Reta said, Castillo Chavez bragged about the Resendez killings. Reta’s serving a 70-year sentence in state prison and has not been indicted in the drug conspiracy case.

“They’re biased,” Balli said of Jasso and Reta. “They’re doing it to get a benefit and get a sentence with a number in it … instead of getting a life sentence. They have extensive criminal records. They have admitted to committing many other crimes.”

Testimony about Castillo Chavez’s alleged involvement in the Zetas will come amid days of testimony from dozens of witnesses about more than 30 defendants who face charges going back a decade that are largely unrelated to the allegations against him.

“It’s very confusing,” Balli said. “It’s just too much. And the bad thing for us is if the jury hears all this bad stuff, they want to blame the guy sitting in the chair. That’s my guy. That’s Mr. Castillo. And I think it’s unfair to have him sitting there while they’re hearing about stuff that happened when he was (a teenager).”

Of the 15 people who have been arrested and brought to court to face charges, Castillo Chavez is the only one to go to trial. The rest have pleaded guilty. One of the defendants, Jesus Gonzales III, 23, was killed in a Mexican prison in 2009. Another was arrested in Mexico last year but has not been brought to the U.S. The rest remain at large.

Read more: http://www.mysanantonio.com/news/local_news/article/Laredo-trial-offers-window-into-Zetas-2534408.php#ixzz1jZkswlXJ

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What a Sinaloa Cartel Alliance Would Mean for the Shining Path

What a Sinaloa Cartel Alliance Would Mean for the Shining Path

 Claims that the Shining Path is now dealing directly with Mexico’s most powerful drug cartel, if true, would put the Peruvian rebel group in the same drug trafficking league as Colombia’s FARC guerrillas.

According to one Peruvian drug policy expert, the Sinaloa Cartel has teamed up with the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) rebel group to run trafficking operations. Pedro Yaranga told radio network RPP that the Sinaloa Cartel had been operating in the Apurimac and Ene River Valley (VRAE) since January, and working directly with the guerrilla faction based there. The VRAE is Peru’s biggest coca-producing area, and home to one of two remaining branches of the Shining Path. According to Yaranga, the Sinaloa Cartel has two representatives permanently based in the region, in an area dominated by a guerrilla column headed by a rebel fighter known as “Alipio.”

It wouldn’t be the first time the Sinaloa Cartel has been reported to have a presence in Peru. In 2003 a Colombian who was accused of links to Sinaloa was arrested by Peruvian forces for an alleged scheme to ship drugs by boat to Mexico. In 2008 police in Lima arrested some 20 people in connection with a plan to smuggle 2.5 tons of cocaine out of the country, three or four of whom were reportedly Mexican nationals, and members of the Sinaloa Cartel. In January 2011, Peru’s attorney general said that the Sinaloa Cartel had an armed force of 40-60 people operating in the region of Piura, on the border with Ecuador, which produced cocaine and marijuana and had been in operation since the 1990s.

It makes sense that the Sinaloa would have its own people in Peru, as the powerful Mexican group seeks to move further down the supply chain — in this case right to the source — to collect a greater share of the profit. It’s not clear, however, whether the two Sinaloa representatives that Yaranga speaks of are Mexican-born members of the cartel, or just local associates.

Either way, to operate in Peru, the Sinaloa Cartel needs local partners. According to the attorney general, the Piura-based groups used the local population to harvest and store the drugs, and to work as lookouts. It would be natural for the Mexican cartel to build connections with the Shining Path, as a criminal group operating in Peru’s biggest drug-producing region.

But these assertions about a Sinaloa alliance raise questions about the state of the Shining Path. Both branches of the group are known to get much of their funds from taxing coca growers. Peruvian authorities have long asserted that the connection goes deeper, and that the Shining Path has now become a drug trafficking organization, especially in the case of the VRAE-based faction.

The leader of the other branch of the group, based in the Upper Huallaga Valley, recently called for peace talks with the government, claiming that his group had only made money from coca growers, never from drug trafficking groups. “Comrade Artemio” told media that, “My army has never been lent to guard maceration pits [for processing coca leaves], guarding transport of merchandise, or guarding airports or flights,” claiming he had only allowed traffickers’ operations to take place because he was too weak to fight them.

This is unlikely to be true, but it is hard to find conclusive evidence of the Huallaga Shining Path having a deeper role in the drug trade. The U.S. State Department and the Peruvian authorities both class the group as a trafficking organization, but it seems that if they were indeed busy carving out a new role as drug barons, then Artemio would not be seeking to surrender along with his troops.

The case is much clearer with “Comrade Jose’s” VRAE-based group, whom Artemio has repudiated as “mercenaries” with no connection to Maoism or revolutionary ideology. Indeed, there is evidence that the VRAE group’s attacks on the armed forces are timed to take revenge for the interception of cocaine shipments, rather than being inspired by their struggle to overthrow the Peruvian state.

For Yaranga, both branches of the rebels are deeply involved in the drug trade, with Artemio and Jose both dealing with the Sinaloa Cartel. He argues that the Shining Path has “practically become a [trafficking] firm, because it does not just provide security, but oversees the planting and processing of coca, and guards the laboratories.” He backs claims made in recent DEA testimony to U.S. Senate in October, which asserted that the Shining Path had formed a “symbiotic relationship” with drug trafficking organizations operating in Peru, protecting their operations in exchange for payment. The testimony particularly highlighted the role of Mexican traffickers in the trade, who it said were “increasingly involved in coordinating large drug loads” in that country.

If Yaranga and the DEA are correct, than the VRAE-based branch of the Shining Path are as far enmeshed in the drug trade as their Marxist cousins of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only taxing coca growers but also processing coca leaves, selling coca base on to drug trafficking groups, and guarding shipments of processed cocaine. It remains to be seen if they will continue to cling to their rebel ideology, like the FARC, or shed their revolutionary trappings, as Artemio claims the VRAE faction already have.

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Police chief murdered in northern Mexico

Fox News Latina

Monterrey –  The police chief of Saltillo, the capital of the northern Mexican state of Coahuila, and his 11-year-old son were killed by gunmen while driving, prosecutors said Monday.

Emmanuel Almaguer Perez was killed Monday morning in the state capital’s eastern Magisterio neighborhood, the Coahuila state Attorney General’s Office said.

Almaguer Perez and his son were driving in their SUV when the gunmen opened fire on them, the AG’s office said.

The bodies of the police chief and his son were found inside the vehicle at the intersection of Seccion 38 boulevard and Arturo Ruiz street.

Almaguer Perez and his son were shot with assault rifles, the AG’s office said.

“Investigators from the Attorney General’s Office worked on Monday morning to remove the bodies, as well as to conduct the necessary field work corresponding to the investigation,” the AG’s office said.

The shooting occurred hours after three people were gunned down at a bar in Torreon, another city in Coahuila.

The Gulf cartel and Los Zetas are the main drug trafficking organizations operating in Coahuila.

Los Zetas, considered Mexico’s most violent drug cartel, mainly operates in Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila and San Luis Potosi states.

Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano, known as “El Lazca,” deserted from the Mexican army in 1999 and formed Los Zetas with three other soldiers, all members of an elite special operations unit, becoming the armed wing of the Gulf drug cartel.

After several years on the payroll of the Gulf cartel, Los Zetas went into the drug business on their own account and now control several lucrative territories.

The two cartels have been fighting for control of smuggling routes from northern Mexico into the United States.

Read more: http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2011/12/05/police-chief-murdered-in-northern-mexico/#ixzz1fiSdfhYB

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Zetas Issue Open Challenge to US and Mexico Governments

Mexico’s ultra-violent Zetas drug cartel released a communique challenging Mexico and the United States.

“Message to the nation, the government, and all of Mexico and to public opinion: The special forces of Los Zetas challenges the government of Mexico and its federal forces,” said the communique, which was signed by Zetas leader Miguel Angel Treviño Morales, also known as Z-40.

The Zetas were formed in 1999 Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano, known as “El Lazca,” who along with three other soldiers deserted an elite special operations unit within the Mexican army to become the armed wing of the Gulf drug cartel.

 Not the Army, not the Marines nor the security and anti-drug agencies of the United States government can resist us.

- Zetas communique

The Zetas are now one of the most violent and powerful cartels operating in Mexico. The former paramilitary group is considered to be one of two dominant cartels in Mexico, along with Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán’s Sinaloa cartel.

The group is believed to be responsible for the attack on a casino in Monterrey earlier this year that left 52 people dead.

“Not the Army, not the Marines nor the security and anti-drug agencies of the United States government can resist us. Mexico lives and will continue under the regime of Los Zetas,” the communique went on to state.

While most of the violence related to the Zetas has remained in Mexico, the group has made headway into the U.S. with recent attacks and the capture of cartel members highlighting this infiltration. Last month, a botched drug bust outside of Houston left a U.S. secret operative dead and a sheriff’s deputy injured after Zetas gunmen surprised the operation.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents also deported last week Donis Ruiz a suspected  Zetas member wanted for kidnappings in Mexico.

“Let it be clear that we are in control here and although the federal government controls other cartels, they cannot take our plazas. You want proof?” the communique asked. “Look at what happened in Sinaloa and Guadalajara. If we can get all the way into their kitchen we are not going to lose control of our territory.”

The Zetas are considered the second most powerful cartel in Mexico behind Guzmán’s Sinaloa cartel, with one or the other group present in almost every Mexican state.As they battle for lucrative smuggling routes, the two cartels have recently ramped up attacks on one another.

Back in September in the Gulf coast city of Veracruz, Mexican authorities discovered the bound and tortured bodies of 35 alleged Zetas members dumped by the Sinaloa cartel onto a main thoroughfare in the city. In May, over two dozen people, most of them Zetas, were killed as they attempted to infiltrate the Sinaloa cartel’s territory in the state of Nayarit.

Since President Felipe Calderón declared war on the country’s drug cartels shortly after taking office in 2006, an estimated 35,000 to 40,000 people have been killed in Mexico’s ensuring violence.

Follow Andrew O’Reilly on Twitter@aoreilly84

Read more: http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2011/12/02/zetas-send-challenge-to-us-and-mexico/#ixzz1fPC1RBYA

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Major Arrests Expected to Shake Up Gulf Cartel

Reported by: Farrah Fazal

MATAMOROS, MEXICO – The Mexican military has taken down some of the Gulf Cartel’s top leaders. A cartel expert says we’ll probably see more violence in Matamoros in the coming days.

The expert say the Zetas see will see these arrests as an opportunity to take advantage of the Gulf’s troubles.

Five top power brokers in the Gulf Cartel are in shackles and out of circulation. One of them, Exequiel Cardenas Rivera, is the son of Antonio Cardenas Guillen, better known as “Tony Tormenta.” The Mexican military killed Tormenta in a shootout Nov. 5, 2010.

The Mexican navy took down Tormenta’s son and the other cartel leaders outside the Gran Hotel Residencial last Friday. It’s in Calle Alvaro Obregon in Matamoros. The navy says it got an anonymous tip that led them to the hotel.

“You can’t get higher than taking down these kind of individuals,” says Phil Jordan, former Drug Enforcement Agency supervisor. “They got the financier, they got the head of the plaza, and most important, the higher you go the more disruption you can give to the cartels.”

Jordan says the Gulf Cartel split in two after Tormenta’s death. The Rojos support the Cardenas family. The Metros support their business partner Eduardo Costilla, or “El Cos.” Jordan says he believes “El Cos” or his people gave up Cardenas Rivera and his group. He says they also led U.S. authorities to Tormenta’s nephew Rafael Cardenas Vela in South Padre Island last month.

“You have immobilized a segment; you have not won the war,” says Jordan.

Jordan says the military may have hit the Gulf Cartel hard, but now they’ll have another problem on their hands.

“If they know the Zetas are going to take advantage, it presents another significant hit to the military,” says Jordan.

Jordan says the military is going after the Zetas, too, with the help of the United States. Jordan says it’s also likely that U.S. agents had a lot to do with these recent arrests of

Jordan says somebody is already replacing Cardenas Rivera, his money man, his accountants, the head of the Matamoros Plaza and the man who got the drugs into the United States.

The Mexican military and U.S. federal agents are watching the Rojos side of the Gulf Cartel very closely. They’re looking for whoever might take over for both the Cardenas nephews.

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Mexican Spillover Violence: The Riddles Grow

Insight, Written by  Gary Moore

Mexican Spillover Violence: The Riddles Grow

Is Mexico’s drug war spilling into the United States? Two recent cases bring new prominence — and new confusion — to this old question.

The two new cases of spillover violence, on October 30 and November 24, took place in Texas, more than 300 miles apart. Both produced murky and conflicting reports. Each involved a different Mexican crime cartel, on different kinds of missions. These probes by foreign criminals onto U.S. soil were apparently unrelated, and only coincidentally close in time.

spillover_riddles

But there is still the deeper riddle. Could the incidents be predictors of thing to come? Do they foreshadow a general tendency to bring violence north across the border?

For decades Mexican drug smugglers have had marketing links inside the United States, but the large cartels have kept most of their fighting in Mexico. There has been the unwritten rule: antagonizing U.S. law enforcement isn’t worth the risk. But this is only a custom, and customs can change. The drug war itself might be defined as a gradual breakdown of norms and inhibitions. The two recent incidents ask once again: How far will the cartels go?

The first case, which took place on October 30, north of Edinburg, Texas, was labeled as a milestone by a skeptic on spillover violence. Hidalgo County Sheriff Lupe Treviño has long urged moderation in this tricky debate, reminding everyone that crime in his border county is mostly homegrown, coming from U.S.-side perpetrators, not from a phantom invasion out of Mexico.·spillover_riddles2

But the October 30 case — in which Treviño’s deputy Hugo Rodriguez was wounded — was a milestone, according to the sheriff: a clear case of Mexican organized crime on a violent cross-border mission.

The clash involved three groups: 1) local street-gang operators working in rural Hidalgo County, 2) cartel muscle coming from Mexico to strike at the street gang, and 3) Sheriff’s Department responders reportedly drawn into the fray by a cryptic call for help. Such confusing three-way battles have long been standard in Mexico.

On October 30, a pickup containing at least four hitmen from Mexico was sent across the Rio Grande bridge and traveled 20 miles into the United States. The truck came from the Gulf Cartel, a badly battered remnant organization, holding on to influence in a 150-mile urbanized strip of borderland in Mexico, facing Texas. As the Gulf Cartel has melted down — in battles with the rival Zetas, with the Mexican government and among its own factions — a load of marijuana reportedly fell into renegade hands, and crept across the border as a freelance operation. The cartel hierarchy wanted the pot back, and, reportedly, they ignored their traditional caution to go after it, sending a squad into the U.S. to do battle for the goods.

The hit squad soon targeted a mobile home in rural Hidalgo County, where parts of the disputed load were allegedly being peddled by a Texas street gang called the Partido Revolucionario Mexicano (the political-sounding name originated in a Texas prison). Three of the mobile home entrepreneurs were taken prisoner, but before the cartel abductors could get very far with them, one escaped and called the sheriff’s department. Mysteries multiplied. The kidnappers’ pickup truck was somehow identified by arriving sheriff’s deputies and there was a traffic stop. Two of the captives reportedly were being held in the cab — which must have been crowded. As a deputy walked up, the head gunman, Daniel Gonzalez Perez, 19, reportedly opened fire, then was killed in the ensuing firefight.

This was when Deputy Rodriguez was hit by three slugs, though his armored vest stopped two, leaving only a third to draw blood, in a wound that was variously described by official statements as being in the stomach or in the thigh. At least six persons, including one woman, Salma Arellano, were arrested and charged with various crimes — raising more questions. The gunman Gonzalez was the only fatality, but a murder charge was brought against one of his apparent kidnap victims, under Texas’s “law of parties.” Official narratives had Perez exchanging fire only with deputies. This, too, sounds like the confusing battles in Mexico.

The questions would linger — as the second case arrived.

Not quite a month later, on November 21, a semitrailer was rumbling into northwest Harris County at the fringe of metro Houston, a long six hours north of the border. The big rig was carrying a hidden marijuana load, but that wasn’t all. This was a decoy operation run by undercover law enforcement, designed to flush out those waiting to receive the pot. The truck was bird-dogged by lawmen in disguised vehicles. Then suddenly three other vehicles swooped in, apparently having followed this singular parade still more secretly from the border. The new vehicles opened fire, strafing the truck and killing its driver, Lawrence Chapa, an undercover informant.

Again there was a firefight. Again a sheriff’s deputy was wounded, this time in the leg, apparently as another officer fired in the confusion. Again, one of the attacking gunmen was killed. Four more were arrested. Confessions said they were operatives of the Zetas Cartel in Mexico. Three were reportedly Mexican citizens.

Theories arose. Only 300 pounds of marijuana was in the truck, a small load to try and rip off at such a risk. The truck was not attacked on a lonely road in the countryside but in more difficult urban terrain. Some theorists said the Zetas were sending a message, that this was not an attempt to rip off a drug load but a pinpoint assassination of an informant, performed inside a U.S. city to show the Zetas’ reach. Famed as the most violent Mexican cartel, the Zetas are known for sending terrorist-style messages via bursts of violence that are never overtly explained.

Both these cases suggest that if the drug war does spill onto U.S. soil, the smoke of battle may hide much of the field.

spillover_riddle3

The map above suggests why law enforcement officials are nervous in South Texas. Spillover from Mexico’s violence has been happening there for some time.

Typically, the U.S.-side arrests of drug bosses (green letters on the map) have occurred not as cartels tried to conquer U.S. territory, but as they used U.S. border areas as safe havens, escaping Mexico when feuds closed in. This occurred in 2010 with some escaping members of the Zetas, and again in 2011 with the Gulf Cartel as it was rocked by infighting. Some of the sanctuary-seekers became well established before they were caught (B, C and D on the map), some were caught almost immediately (A, E, F) and one (G) turned himself in to U.S. authorities at a border bridge, the day after his battle group was smashed in Mexico 10 miles away. Escapees in hiding can bring extra problems, as their Mexican foes cross to the U.S. and shoot at them (red numbers on the map).

Will such isolated dots connect in the future, to trace out a crisis? The answer is a matter of passionate opinion — and intense debate.

See Gary Moore’s blog.

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